In this whole debate about the Leveson
Inquiry and a new press regulator, it bothers me how a lot of journalists – and
some very good ones – have chosen to ignore the facts and try to stamp on the
argument like stubborn five-year-olds.
It annoys me to see the Guardian call
“statutory regulation” proposals for a new independent regulator with statutory
underpinning on headlines, only to briefly say in the story’s intro “a form of
statutory regulation”. It’s wrong, confusing and doesn’t explain to the public
what they are talking about at all.
It baffles me to see newspapers like The
Times and The Sun calling the proposals “statutory regulation” full stop.
It bothers me to see them all calling it
“greater controls”. I feel like offering a cookie for the first hack who can leave the rage behind and show me they know what statutory underpinning means.
I would like to explain what, in my mind,
an independent regulator backed by statute would look like.
This body would be created – just its
existence set up by statute. The only thing the law will do is say “this body
now exists and its structure looks like this, and it has the power to
investigate newspapers when appropriate”.
Following its creation, it would have a
board of former editors, lay members of the public and perhaps members of other
professions.
The way I imagine it, it would mostly not
have any interaction with newspapers, although newspapers would be members of
this regulator.
Each newspaper will still be required to
have a complaints mechanism in place – who knows, the PCC could still exist as a
complaints and mediation body. Alternatively, those papers that don’t want to be a part of
the PCC can have their own complaints system.
Let me illustrate now, with a made-up
example, how the new body would leap into action.
A mother-of-four, Asian, lives in a £2m,
five-bedroom house in a wealthy neighbourhood, allocated to her by her local
council. She is then deemed by one newspaper to be undeserving of the
accommodation she did not choose to have, she was given. The newspaper names
her, and attributes to her quotes that are not accurate and make it sound like
she thinks she is entitled to what she’s been given.
The newspaper portrays her family as
loutish, implies wrongly her children are unemployed out of choice, and
publishes a series of articles, each time with a new accusation, in the hope
the council will send her to a different, “more suitable”, home.
Despite several complaints from the family,
several requests for a correction and an apology, they are ignored. They then
go to the PCC (which has no powers to investigate stories, they
only ask newspaper editors questions), and the PCC rules in favour of the
newspaper, in spite of the majority of the story being untrue.
As it is now, if a similar case happens,
those affected must live with the untrue allegations and inaccurate quotes,
unless they can afford to go to court. Sadly, many people don’t have the means
or the time to take on large news organisations, so they end up just having to
accept the abuse.
With a new independent regulator, this
family would be able to go to this independent body and explain their case. The
body would subsequently decide whether there was merit in investigating it.
If they did, they would most likely come to
the conclusion that the allegations were untrue and the quotes inaccurate. They
could then fine the newspaper and order them to publish a clarification and an
apology.
In many cases, currently, newspapers admit
they are wrong. Local newspapers, in my experience, are fantastic when it comes
to not only being on the right side of the law and the Editors’ Code of
Practice, but on accepting PCC rulings as well.
However, there are several cases, mainly,
if not only, involving national newspapers, where the men in the street who are
targeted and unfairly vilified, defamed, and attacked, have no access to
adequate redress.
Making newspapers accountable for their willing
or unwilling mistakes is not censorship, and it’s not an affront to freedom of
the press. It’s fair.
It is important to clarify that, in my
opinion, proposals to introduce pre-notification or tougher privacy laws are
just not what we should be looking for. Pre-notification would severely hurt
serious investigations and worthwhile stories. In terms of privacy, the ECHR
does the job.
Any journalist with an ounce of common
sense and love for their trade will know that this is not unreasonable. Giving
people the right to defend themselves, without having to resort to expensive
and time-consuming legal action.
I don’t accept that the creation of this
body amounts to out-of-control statutory, Zimbabwean, authoritarian regulation.
These are the words those who know what their newspapers have been up to for a
long time use to defend their right to stamp on the little man without the
threat of being accountable for their actions.
As a journalist, I categorically do not
want a punitive regulator that stops people from publishing their stories to
protect the powerful or has the hands of politicians all over it.
This may sound naïve, but I would like
reporters and editors, if the new independent regulator were to be created, to
think twice before writing and publishing stories they know are untrue or
cannot stand up. Not forgetting sometimes you have to be bold to get the truth out. I hope newspaper editors will recalibrate their judgment and realise some stories are more worthwhile than others when it comes to risky behaviour. Exposing Jimmy Savile was more important than jumping to conclusions ahead of the law on Christopher Jefferies' case, etc.
There are certain punishments devised to
change the way in which the industry operates that are just impossible, and
should not even be considered. For instance, one of the best things journalists have to
their advantage is the surprise factor. You know you’re right to expose someone
and you go for it. I would never like to see that advantage taken away from
hacks with the introduction of any sort of pre-notification mechanism.
No pressure: Lord Justice Leveson |
Even with a new regulator, chances are
newspapers will deal with the fines and carry on as usual, because, let’s face
it, there’s nothing else you can do to protect the public without hindering the
work of brilliant, tenacious journalists all over the country.
My hope is that journalists will understand
that taking away the control of the PCC from a few powerful editors will level
the playing field and mean ordinary people can have a shot at redress, whenever
their case calls for it.
In any case, nobody knows what Lord Justice
Leveson will say. If it’s anything that will make journalists’ lives genuinely
difficult, or will impose Draconian pre-notification, or silly things like asking for permission to photograph people in public places, I cannot personally support it.
On the other hand, if it just means they will have to
think twice before publishing a made-up story, without any consequences to the pursuit of true stories, I’m fully behind it.
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